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Hello, welcome back to Conversations with

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Stephen Kamugasa. This is the second of six

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podcast episodes on genocide. Today's guest

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is Dr. Omar McDoom, a comparative political

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scientist and associate professor at the

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London School of Economics Department of

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Government. Dr. McDoom holds law degrees

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from King's College London and the Université

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de Paris, a master's degree in international

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development studies from George Washington

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University and a PhD in development studies

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from the London School of Economics. He is

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also a non-practicing attorney at the New

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York Bar. Before joining the LSE, Omar completed

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research fellowships at Harvard University

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at the Belfer Center for Science and International

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Affairs, and then at Oxford University in

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the Department of Politics and International

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Relations. His professional experience outside

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of the academia includes work as a policy

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officer for the World Bank, as a legal officer

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for the government of Guyana, and on electoral

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missions for the Organization for Security

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Cooperation in Europe and the United Nations.

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He also co-founded a non-profit organization

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in 2004, which develops leadership potential

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in children who were affected by the civil

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war in Northern Uganda. Oma is the author

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of The Path to Genocide in Rwanda. In this

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episode, we discuss the topic of why genocide

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is the responsibility of the entire world.

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Dr. Omar Makdoon, welcome.

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Thank you, Stephen, and thank you for the

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opportunity to talk about my work and also

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for the comprehensive and flattering introduction.

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I appreciate it.

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In the acknowledgement section of your book,

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the path to genocide in Rwanda. You write,

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and I quote, I dedicate the book to my father,

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who passed away before he could see it completed.

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Please share with us your favorite childhood

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memory of your father. And specifically,

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in light of your work, how did the relationship

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with your father affect how you see reality

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as an adult?

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That's a nice question. It's an opportunity,

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I suppose, for someone to sit back and reflect

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on the legacy or the lasting influences that

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your parents have on you and how it's marked

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and shaped you today. So maybe you'll be

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of use to some of your listeners to hear

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how I think my father, though it's not, of

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course, only my father, my mother also had

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a profound impression on who I am as a person

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today. Well, my father, I mean, he obviously

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would have had both positive and less positive

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influences on me. But since you asked me

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about my favorite memory, I suppose the influences

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that stayed with me were maybe a very strong

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sense of the importance of getting ahead

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in life on merit, so through hard work and

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independence, and also a very strong commitment

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to social justice, which probably reflected

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in why I spent so much time studying law.

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He also gave me some confidence as well.

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So, you know, my father's background is interesting

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because he was a first-generation immigrant.

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He'd never been to university. He came to

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the UK from Guyana, a small British colony,

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in the 1960s, late 1970s. And he had some

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aptitude, academic aptitude, and in those

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days it was possible to study law without

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having gone to university, become a lawyer

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without having gone to university. So he

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sat the professional examinations in the

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UK and became a solicitor, one of the two

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types of lawyers in the UK. So he was quite

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good at law, but he was also the time, remember,

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it is a time in the UK when there was still

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overt discrimination against people of colour.

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And, you know, I suppose my most powerful

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memory, I say it's more powerful than it

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is a favourite memory, but my most powerful

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memory of my father is a time when we One

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weekend, I think I was about 10 or 11, and

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we went to, we were building a rabbit hutch

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together. And my father took me to a local

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DIY store. And it was there that he was wrongfully

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accused and also arrested for shoplifting

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very publicly and very, very overtly. And

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what had happened is that we had been followed

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in the store by a security guard. I won't

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mention the company that this person was

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employed by. And as my father was exiting

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the store, he was apprehended by a group

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of security officers and taken in front and

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full view of everybody up to the manager's

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office. I went with him as I was quite young

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and couldn't be by myself. And there he was

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accused of stealing a tape measure of all

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things. And my father at that time was dressed

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in somewhat shabby clothing because it was

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his work clothes. We were building a rabbit

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hutch together. And they were surprised when

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he said, well, I should tell you that I'm

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a lawyer and I'm now going to start to make

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notes about everything that happens to me.

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And he took out a pen and paper and started

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writing down. at the time and everything

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that was happening. This seemed to infuriate

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the security officer, I suppose because my

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father was standing up for himself. And she

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then decided it was a woman. She said, I'm

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actually going to make a citizen's arrest.

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And for me, it was eye-opening because the

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woman said to my father and to the manager

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and the other security officers there that

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she had witnessed my father take the tape

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measure out of its packaging. which was patently

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untrue. The manager called the police. The

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police came. The police had a look at the

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inspector of the tape measure, realized that

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this could not be a new tape measure. It

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was old and had marks on it. and said, well,

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my father is free to go. The manager was

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apologetic, duly so, and offered my father

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some money as compensation. And my father

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said, no, I think the right thing to do here

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is that I think the security officer has

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made a mistake. And she has profiled me.

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And I think the right thing to do is for

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this person to apologize in public in front

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of the very same people in front of whom

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he was arrested. And he insisted on this

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public apology. She refused. The manager

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had to make the apology instead on her behalf.

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But I mentioned that story because it stayed

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with me and it gave me, as I said, a very

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strong sense of social justice and standing

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up for oneself when you have been taken advantage

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of or when you've been discriminated against.

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And it's given me a strong sense of wanting

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to help the other underdog. And my father,

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more generally, I suppose, always felt a

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very strong sense of solidarity with people

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who come from similar backgrounds to himself,

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from former colonies in the global south,

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come to the UK to build a better life for

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himself. But he's a little bit different,

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though, from, I think, many other first-generation

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immigrants. He didn't really feel this sense

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of debt or gratitude that he needed to demonstrate

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to the United Kingdom for allowing him to

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build a life there. He saw it quite differently.

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He saw and argued that, well, much of the

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UK's wealth and position in the international

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system is because it had successfully colonized

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and conquered countries such as his own and

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extracted wealth from it, whether resources

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or, and built itself on slave and in his

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case indentured labour. So he didn't feel

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that that he needed to sort of be grateful

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and to integrate and assimilate in society.

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He was very proud of his identity as a Guyanese

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and also as a Muslim. And so he thought he

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had a right to build his life on the same

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terms as the indigenous British, as it were.

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All that to say is that, you know, it had

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an impact on me. made me very interested

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in issues around inequality and social justice.

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I started studying law. I went on then to

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study development, moved to Washington, where

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I worked for the World Bank for many years.

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And it was there, actually, at the World

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Bank that I first got interested in the Rwandan

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genocide. I read a book by Peter Uvin, a

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professor at the time at Tufts University,

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in which he had accused the aid industry

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of being complicit in the genocide, or at

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least creating the conditions that facilitated

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the genocide. And I actually decided to engage

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in a PhD and have him as one of my supervisors

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to look at this question of the genocide

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in Rwanda.

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On page 13 of your book, you write, and I

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quote, the words of the foreign visitor reproduced

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above appear in the guest book of a former

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church belonging to the rural community of

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Nyamata, located in the small Central African

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state of Rwanda. In April 1994, some 5,000

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people sought refuge here for the same reason.

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They were members of Rwanda's Tutsi ethnic

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minority. Over three days, April 14th, 15th

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and 16th 1994, the men, women and children

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crammed inside the brick, the building's

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brick walls were killed without distinction.

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Their killers comprised many of their neighbours

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as well as a smaller number of militiamen

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and soldiers alongside whom they worked.

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Overwhelmingly, the assailants were drawn

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from Rwanda's Hutu ethnic majority. Their

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objective was clear, to kill them all. Omar,

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please talk to us about the visitor whose

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words you mentioned, and why were the foreign

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visitor's words so poignant?

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Yeah, so I mean, I chose to use the words

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of that foreign visitor because the person

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was doing something different, I suppose,

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to what many people when they hear about

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the genocide or if they visit Rwanda do.

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So the tendency, the instinct, I suppose,

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is to sort of distance oneself from the people

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who committed such atrocious violence, who

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did such terrible things. I think that's

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easy. I think it's easy to revile, to feel

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this revulsion against for what had happened

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and to sort of say, well, I would never have

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done that. I could never do that. And to

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fail to understand how anybody could do that.

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But that visitor will do something different.

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He was, and it was a man, he was empathizing

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with the perpetrators, in this case, mostly

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the Hutu population in Rwanda, and was making

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an effort to understand the circumstances

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in which they found themselves and that led

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them to do what they did. And it ties in,

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in the field of, you know, the study of perpetrators

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of genocide and atrocity crimes, with this

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idea that, well, they're very often ordinary

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people caught up in very extraordinary circumstances.

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And also with this idea that, well, killers,

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you're not born, very rarely are people born

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killers, they're made into killers. So I

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felt that that statement tied into these

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two ideas about the ordinariness of being

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a killer and the idea that you are made into

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a killer through the circumstances that you

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live in your life. I think that those were

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important and I wanted, and as you see if

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you read the book, that those ideas underpin

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the arguments that I make in the book. But

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it set me on this path to try to understand

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how and why so many Rwandans came to do what

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they did in that time in 1994. There's this

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very complex interaction, I think, between

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innate characteristics, who you are as a

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person that might predispose you towards

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such violence, But it isn't only that, there

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is this interaction with the environmental,

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the things outside of you, right? The social

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community, the political circumstances that

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put people on a path, that put them into

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situations where they feel that this is what

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they have to do. To be clear, though, I mean,

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I don't think that this in any way excuses

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or justifies or exculpates individuals from

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their moral responsibility for killing. To

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understand is not the same thing as to excuse.

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But I think it is still important to understand.

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And I think this is what that individual,

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that visitor was trying to do, was trying

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to understand how and why individuals came

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to do what they did. And that's important.

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Well, that's important for two reasons. It's

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important first because you know, from the

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perspective of preventing future atrocity

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for the recurrence, it's important to understand

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the journey or the pathway that led people

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to that point. So I think it's important

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from that perspective. But it's also important

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to understand how people do what they do

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from the perspective of life after the atrocity

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as well, from the perspective of reconciliation

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or coexistence at least, this idea of restoring

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communities to some or some sort of restorative

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justice. So how people come to learn to live

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together once more, you need to understand

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how it is and why it is that they did what

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they did. So I think that that phrase sort

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of evokes all of those thoughts that underlie

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the motivation for writing the book.

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On page 23 of your book, you write, and I

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quote, one of the main reasons for why the

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range of theories is so broad is the lack

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of consensus on the concept of genocide.

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The 1948 United Nations Convention on Genocide

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defines genocide as acts committed with intent

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to destroy, in whole or in part, a national,

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ethnical, racial, or religious group. Almost

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every element in the juridical definition

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has been the subject of intense scholarly

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debate. The victim groups protected, the

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perpetrating agents recognized, the modes

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of extermination permitted, and the intention

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required. Why is there such debate over what

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constitutes genocide? And please give us

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your best effort at defining genocide in

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terms that the average man on the street

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can understand?

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Yeah, well I think the debate exists because

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genocide is widely seen as the crime of crimes.

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It is the most morally egregious, heinous

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action that can be committed by a state or

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people against another people. So It's a

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very strong stigma to escape from once a

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state or once a people have been accused

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of committing genocide. It's very hard to

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come back from it. Just look at Germany's

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sense of shame in the public psychology since

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the Holocaust. So there's going to be very

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strong contention around what is a genocide

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because people will want to resist the use

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of that term in relation to themselves or

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to their country. But the other reason why

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it's debated is because it's used in different

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contexts for very different reasons. So lawyers

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use it obviously for the purpose of holding

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individuals or states accountable for what

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they have done. So there's the rationale

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of accountability. But scholars also use

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the term genocide and they have departed

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from the legal definition because they want

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to understand and explain the causes of genocide

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or to compare genocides in some way. And

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then there were, I suppose, the popular usage

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of the term genocide, and that's often made

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by communities, sometimes communities who

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are the victim communities, because they

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want to draw political attention to what's

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happening to them. They want to mobilize

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resources, perhaps to intervene, to help

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them. And they also wish to delegitimize

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their opponents, their enemies as well. So

18:52.752 --> 18:54.853
you have all those different reasons and

18:54.873 --> 18:58.975
different communities that use the term genocide.

19:01.395 --> 19:04.657
You know, the meaning varies across them.

19:05.177 --> 19:08.480
So for lawyers, I would say the legal definition

19:08.540 --> 19:12.742
is the most restrictive of all of the ways

19:12.782 --> 19:15.364
in which genocide is conceptualized. And

19:15.384 --> 19:17.285
I would say that sort of the popular usage

19:17.345 --> 19:19.827
is probably the most loose definition of

19:19.887 --> 19:24.131
genocide. But I would say though, maybe to

19:24.351 --> 19:27.214
just highlight how I use the term in the

19:27.254 --> 19:31.338
book as a scholar, and I think maybe to talk

19:31.358 --> 19:33.681
a little bit about how genocide scholars

19:34.862 --> 19:37.565
have moved on from the very limited, very

19:37.625 --> 19:40.368
restrictive definition of genocide in the

19:40.428 --> 19:43.852
Genocide Convention. So there are three ways

19:44.152 --> 19:47.355
I think in which the conceptualization or

19:47.395 --> 19:51.259
the definition of genocide has expanded in

19:51.339 --> 19:57.185
the 70 years or so since the phrase was encapsulated

19:57.245 --> 19:59.668
in the genocide convention. The first is

19:59.728 --> 20:03.311
that the focus on intent. So the convention

20:03.891 --> 20:08.535
sets a very high bar for establishing genocide

20:08.876 --> 20:11.398
because it requires an intent and a very

20:11.498 --> 20:14.360
specific intent. It has to be an intent to

20:14.400 --> 20:17.603
destroy a group. So it's not enough to murder

20:18.124 --> 20:21.366
tens of thousands of people who are from

20:21.406 --> 20:24.749
the same group. you have to show that those

20:24.829 --> 20:26.970
murders were committed with the intent to

20:27.050 --> 20:29.931
destroy in whole or in part that group. So

20:29.951 --> 20:32.453
it's entirely possible to murder many people

20:32.513 --> 20:38.456
but still be not guilty of genocide. So the

20:39.236 --> 20:41.517
scholarly definition has moved away from

20:41.558 --> 20:43.659
this focus on this emphasis on intent and

20:43.699 --> 20:45.820
focuses now on just the idea of, well, is

20:45.840 --> 20:49.642
it deliberate? Is it organized? Is it rather

20:49.682 --> 20:51.443
than, you know, is the intent to destroy?

20:52.223 --> 20:53.965
The second way in which I think scholars

20:54.145 --> 20:57.267
now use the term more expansively is that

20:57.307 --> 21:00.430
they don't limit themselves to the groups

21:00.550 --> 21:02.932
that are recognized in the genocide convention,

21:02.952 --> 21:06.635
ethnic, racial, religious or national. They

21:06.715 --> 21:10.338
say that it's a group that could be defined

21:10.758 --> 21:12.780
along different boundaries, for example,

21:13.200 --> 21:16.483
members of a political group. So if you think

21:16.523 --> 21:20.008
about Indonesia's actions in the 1960s, where

21:20.108 --> 21:22.272
it was the communists who were targeted,

21:22.592 --> 21:24.675
they were targeted because of their political

21:24.735 --> 21:26.678
beliefs. So that might be a genocide for

21:26.738 --> 21:29.142
scholars, but not for lawyers, for example.

21:29.791 --> 21:31.372
And then the third and final way in which

21:31.432 --> 21:35.876
scholars have moved on and expanded the definition

21:35.936 --> 21:39.138
is that they don't limit genocide solely

21:39.258 --> 21:42.841
to the physical destruction of a people,

21:43.261 --> 21:46.604
which is what the legal definition in the

21:46.644 --> 21:50.647
convention does. They, for example, now also

21:51.088 --> 21:54.310
consider the social destruction of a group

21:54.430 --> 21:58.874
to be genocide as well. So if, for example,

21:59.534 --> 22:03.877
the state or the people are targeting the

22:04.237 --> 22:06.758
infrastructure of a community. So if you're

22:06.818 --> 22:10.360
targeting the schools and the universities

22:11.181 --> 22:14.142
and the hospitals and the religious establishments,

22:14.603 --> 22:18.045
then this is an attempt to destroy the society,

22:18.105 --> 22:20.026
the social infrastructure of the group, and

22:20.046 --> 22:24.028
that also can be considered genocide. So

22:26.310 --> 22:29.915
you asked what's the best way for, in simple

22:29.995 --> 22:32.418
terms, for a person who's not a specialist

22:32.439 --> 22:35.342
to understand what genocide is, I would say

22:35.403 --> 22:40.550
this. I say, I would say that, well, violence

22:41.190 --> 22:46.210
generally is a behaviour that tries to communicate

22:46.611 --> 22:50.095
something. And we have many different types

22:50.175 --> 22:52.778
of violence that try to communicate many

22:52.858 --> 22:55.521
different types of things. Some violence

22:56.202 --> 23:00.147
is communicating a wish to control a group,

23:01.007 --> 23:05.089
or to punish a group or to discourage a group.

23:05.849 --> 23:09.431
But with genocide, the type of violence envisaged

23:10.051 --> 23:13.652
is not to communicate. In fact, that violence

23:14.132 --> 23:17.914
in genocide is violence that seeks to end

23:18.514 --> 23:21.575
communication with another group. And I think

23:21.615 --> 23:24.317
that's the best way to think of the difference

23:24.397 --> 23:27.399
between genocidal violence and other types

23:27.479 --> 23:29.941
of political violence, is that there is a

23:30.001 --> 23:33.784
wish to end communication, to end the relationship.

23:33.804 --> 23:37.486
There's no desire to regulate or to control

23:37.826 --> 23:41.209
or to deter. It is to end communication.

23:44.431 --> 23:47.353
On page 41 of your book, under the heading

23:47.613 --> 23:50.575
Research Design, the evidence and methods

23:51.085 --> 23:54.646
You're right, and I quote, genocide is an

23:54.766 --> 23:58.607
empirically complex phenomenon. No single

23:58.647 --> 24:01.048
study can account for all aspects of its

24:01.128 --> 24:04.989
violence. It is also a highly politicized

24:05.729 --> 24:09.010
and deeply emotional subject. On certain

24:09.150 --> 24:11.891
issues, the findings may always be disputed,

24:12.771 --> 24:16.792
and some people may never be persuaded. Researchers

24:16.932 --> 24:20.353
may find they themselves rather than their

24:20.373 --> 24:23.506
research. are the object of scrutiny and

24:23.626 --> 24:28.728
criticism. Accusations of revisionism, minimalism,

24:29.508 --> 24:32.590
and denialism are among the risks genocide

24:32.650 --> 24:36.051
scholars, including those working on Rwanda,

24:36.692 --> 24:42.734
face. Omar, since the victims were once actual

24:43.574 --> 24:47.716
living people, I must wonder, given the current

24:47.776 --> 24:51.400
tragic situation in the Holy Land, Why are

24:51.480 --> 24:54.022
you interested in researching genocides?

24:55.002 --> 24:57.904
Why the Rwandan genocide in particular?

24:59.045 --> 25:02.907
Well, since you've brought up the situation

25:03.947 --> 25:08.170
ongoing in Gaza, anyone who wages into the

25:08.210 --> 25:11.912
debate, into the rights and wrongs of what

25:12.052 --> 25:16.069
Netanyahu's government is doing in Gaza at

25:16.109 --> 25:19.870
the moment, you know, it's his choices in

25:19.910 --> 25:23.592
how to conduct the war since October 7th.

25:24.112 --> 25:27.994
Well, anybody who's done that will know what

25:28.034 --> 25:30.415
I mean when I say that it is an occupational

25:30.475 --> 25:35.758
hazard to work on genocide. That situation

25:35.838 --> 25:38.779
is extremely politically sensitive and very

25:38.939 --> 25:43.952
emotionally charged. And people who offer

25:44.032 --> 25:48.014
views on this run the risk of being accused

25:48.054 --> 25:53.157
of being anti-semitic and we have such a

25:53.217 --> 25:56.199
definition of anti-semitism in how it's being

25:56.319 --> 25:59.561
used at the moment that it is very difficult

25:59.641 --> 26:02.283
or there's very little space to be able to

26:02.323 --> 26:06.085
be critical of Israeli government policy

26:06.666 --> 26:11.120
or critical of the ideology of Zionism without

26:11.160 --> 26:13.841
being accused of being anti-semitic. So when

26:13.901 --> 26:16.681
I say that as a genocide scholar you run

26:16.741 --> 26:20.542
these occupational risks, I think that's

26:20.622 --> 26:25.143
true not just in the case of Israel but also

26:25.183 --> 26:26.964
in the case of other genocides including

26:27.084 --> 26:30.205
the Rwandan genocide. But since you've asked

26:30.265 --> 26:34.123
about the situation or brought it up at least,

26:35.364 --> 26:41.268
I often get from individuals who are supportive

26:41.348 --> 26:44.710
or defensive of Israel and specifically of

26:44.770 --> 26:46.351
Netanyahu's government, I always get the

26:46.391 --> 26:49.513
question, well, why are genocide, why are

26:49.593 --> 26:51.395
scholars being critical of Israel? Why are

26:51.415 --> 26:54.357
they singling Israel out? Because why are

26:54.377 --> 26:56.118
they not speaking about what's happening

26:56.218 --> 26:59.880
against the Rohingya in Myanmar or what's

26:59.920 --> 27:02.202
going on in the Sudan at the moment or what

27:02.602 --> 27:06.164
that atrocities committed in Syria? Why has

27:06.365 --> 27:10.007
Israel been singled out? And maybe you're

27:10.047 --> 27:12.048
biased because you're picking on Israel and

27:12.088 --> 27:15.070
that makes you, maybe that bias is also anti-Semitic.

27:16.251 --> 27:19.053
Well, I don't think so. I think there are

27:19.093 --> 27:24.193
two good reasons why it is justifiable to

27:24.494 --> 27:29.839
speak up if, as a genocide scholar, when

27:29.939 --> 27:33.022
one sees atrocities being committed by both

27:33.082 --> 27:37.487
sides in that situation in Israel and Gaza.

27:38.508 --> 27:42.052
The first is simply because in my case I'm

27:42.092 --> 27:46.997
a UK citizen and I pay UK taxes and it is

27:47.077 --> 27:49.700
my government that is providing both material

27:49.960 --> 27:53.664
and diplomatic support to Netanyahu's government

27:54.244 --> 27:58.111
and that government is committing some very

27:58.271 --> 28:03.114
serious atrocities in Gaza that would require

28:03.655 --> 28:07.477
investigation and legal qualification at

28:07.557 --> 28:10.219
some point. So as a citizen I feel I have

28:10.259 --> 28:12.920
an obligation, not just as a genocide scholar,

28:13.941 --> 28:16.662
but also I think a second reason is that,

28:17.143 --> 28:21.783
well, In the case of like Sudan and Myanmar

28:22.103 --> 28:25.786
and Syria, these are not countries that we

28:26.226 --> 28:30.229
call democracies and do not call themselves

28:30.290 --> 28:32.391
democracies. And they do not say they are

28:32.411 --> 28:36.615
committed to liberal values such as justice

28:36.695 --> 28:39.597
and equality and freedom. They also do not

28:39.657 --> 28:42.279
say that they have the most moral army in

28:42.339 --> 28:48.205
the world. Israel does. So I think if Netanyahu's

28:48.245 --> 28:52.713
government says that and if my country and

28:52.813 --> 28:56.179
other western countries provide support to

28:56.459 --> 29:01.396
Netanyahu on the basis that Israel is seen

29:01.436 --> 29:04.418
to have similar liberal values in common,

29:04.619 --> 29:07.101
moral values in common, then I think then

29:07.181 --> 29:10.523
it does raise the question of whether it

29:10.603 --> 29:14.567
is okay then to then call out if they are

29:14.687 --> 29:17.009
acting inconsistently with those moral values.

29:18.482 --> 29:20.843
But OK, and the case for genocide, by the

29:20.883 --> 29:23.663
way, in Israel, I won't offer a determination,

29:23.943 --> 29:27.024
but I would say that there are the two strongest

29:27.204 --> 29:32.225
arguments. The first is in relation to the

29:32.625 --> 29:37.626
bombing and drone attacks, which when coupled

29:37.706 --> 29:39.966
with the statements from the senior leadership,

29:40.366 --> 29:42.407
from the president, the prime minister and

29:42.427 --> 29:46.529
the minister of defense, Well, it begs the

29:46.569 --> 29:50.954
question of why choose to use such destructive

29:51.054 --> 29:55.559
weaponry? Why so many two ton bombs? At the

29:55.599 --> 29:58.122
very least, I think in the case of the bombing

29:58.403 --> 30:01.566
argument, it shows an extreme disregard for

30:01.606 --> 30:04.530
the value of Palestinian life. whether that's

30:04.590 --> 30:07.532
strong enough to infer an intent to destroy.

30:07.993 --> 30:10.355
Well, I think that's a legal determination.

30:10.895 --> 30:13.998
But I think the stronger case is the humanitarian

30:14.118 --> 30:19.003
siege in that's ongoing in Gaza. So why we

30:19.063 --> 30:24.147
are seeing the Israeli defense forces making

30:24.207 --> 30:27.668
it so difficult for humanitarian aid, food,

30:27.928 --> 30:32.429
fuel, water, medicine to get into Gaza, and

30:32.469 --> 30:35.450
that we now have a UN reports of famine being

30:36.110 --> 30:38.991
imminent, it does beg the question of what

30:39.031 --> 30:41.932
the motivation is for making it so difficult

30:41.992 --> 30:44.693
for humanitarian aid to come in. And of course,

30:44.753 --> 30:47.634
what's happened most recently with the targeting

30:48.294 --> 30:52.175
of the convoy, the aid convoy in which seven

30:53.375 --> 30:56.436
aid workers were killed because the IDF believed

30:56.456 --> 30:59.456
that there was a single Hamas combatant in

30:59.516 --> 31:02.457
that convoy turned out to be untrue. But

31:02.537 --> 31:04.597
even if that were true, that there were a

31:04.657 --> 31:07.438
single Hamas combatant there, it does beg

31:07.478 --> 31:09.839
the question again about the extreme disregard

31:10.199 --> 31:12.819
for the civilian lives, for civilian life,

31:12.959 --> 31:15.920
and in this case, foreign civilians. You

31:15.960 --> 31:20.021
asked the question, well, why Rwanda? Why

31:20.061 --> 31:25.521
did I choose to work on Rwanda? Well, Rwanda's

31:25.861 --> 31:29.603
genocide, genocide, I mean, is fortunately

31:29.623 --> 31:33.305
a very rare occurrence. Rwanda's genocide,

31:33.325 --> 31:36.206
though, stands out even among rare occurrences,

31:36.746 --> 31:40.048
not just because it's tragic and shocking,

31:40.128 --> 31:42.148
but there are some features of the Rwandan

31:42.188 --> 31:44.750
genocide that I think that are quite distinctive.

31:46.210 --> 31:49.173
and puzzling at the same time. And it is

31:49.213 --> 31:50.975
these distinctive features, I think, that

31:51.075 --> 31:53.717
drew me to wish to understand what happened

31:53.757 --> 31:56.860
in Rwanda. So it is the fact that so many

31:57.160 --> 31:59.722
ordinary Rwandans participated in the violence.

32:00.243 --> 32:02.525
It's the fact that this violence happened

32:02.565 --> 32:06.068
in almost every part of Rwanda where Tutsi

32:06.208 --> 32:09.570
lived. It's the fact that it happened so

32:09.790 --> 32:13.391
quickly, in less than a hundred days, this

32:13.471 --> 32:17.073
genocide was executed, and that it resulted

32:17.313 --> 32:20.374
in the deaths of so many. We estimate nearly

32:20.434 --> 32:22.895
two-thirds of the Tutsi population were killed

32:24.035 --> 32:28.838
in that time period. So, for me, the motivation

32:28.898 --> 32:31.120
for the Rwanda genocide is not unusual, it's

32:31.200 --> 32:34.964
quite similar to the motivations for other

32:35.024 --> 32:39.968
genocides, largely around threat and opportunity,

32:41.229 --> 32:44.032
and the Hutu population and the Hutu government

32:44.112 --> 32:47.074
invoking security fears saying that they

32:47.094 --> 32:50.436
were defending themselves. These are logics

32:50.476 --> 32:53.237
that we see in other instances of genocides

32:53.257 --> 32:55.538
which often occur in the context of wars.

32:56.058 --> 32:59.779
But in Rwanda's case, it was the answer to

32:59.799 --> 33:03.021
the question of why was it so distinctive?

33:03.081 --> 33:05.462
Well, it's because I discovered that Rwanda

33:05.482 --> 33:08.463
has a very unusual set of features as a country.

33:08.503 --> 33:11.564
It's a very unusual baseline against which

33:11.604 --> 33:15.346
the war operates. So the high population

33:15.426 --> 33:18.487
density, very small territory, an unusual

33:18.527 --> 33:20.248
topography where it's very difficult for

33:20.288 --> 33:22.949
people to hide, very high road density which

33:22.989 --> 33:26.350
made it very easy for resources including

33:26.410 --> 33:28.771
soldiers and militia to be able to move around,

33:29.331 --> 33:31.072
and the ethnic settlement pattern that you

33:31.112 --> 33:33.933
have not separate Hutu lands and Tutsi lands

33:33.953 --> 33:35.774
but actually Hutu and Tutsi living separate

33:36.274 --> 33:38.495
at side by side next to each other. So I

33:38.535 --> 33:41.116
think all of those very unusual socio-demographic

33:41.176 --> 33:43.656
and socio-political characteristics actually

33:43.696 --> 33:47.377
explain why it is that Rwanda has those unusual

33:47.457 --> 33:49.658
features. But it was those unusual features

33:49.698 --> 33:51.799
that made me want to study it in the first

33:51.839 --> 33:52.099
place.

33:53.339 --> 33:57.240
On page 121 of your book, you write, and

33:57.360 --> 34:00.821
I quote, political liberalization was the

34:00.881 --> 34:04.414
second macro-political factor in conjunction

34:04.454 --> 34:06.855
with the civil war that pushed Rwanda closer

34:06.875 --> 34:12.019
to genocide between 1990 and 1994. As in

34:12.079 --> 34:15.341
many parts of Africa, Rwanda took preliminary

34:15.421 --> 34:19.544
steps away from autocracy and towards democracy.

34:21.385 --> 34:24.827
This move did not, ineluctably or by itself,

34:25.407 --> 34:29.370
lead to mass ethnic violence. 39 other African

34:29.430 --> 34:32.192
nations underwent democratic transitions

34:32.763 --> 34:36.786
at the same time as Rwanda, yet none of these

34:37.366 --> 34:41.969
ended in genocide. In Rwanda, however, the

34:42.009 --> 34:45.391
push for political freedom and usually coincided

34:45.471 --> 34:49.354
with a civil war. Rwanda's ruling elite faced

34:49.514 --> 34:53.156
twin challenges to its power, an external

34:53.216 --> 34:57.419
threat from a rebel army and a domestic challenge

34:57.859 --> 35:01.641
from new opposition parties. The interaction

35:01.922 --> 35:05.610
of the war with liberalization escalated

35:06.070 --> 35:09.192
elite contestation and brought ethnicity

35:09.452 --> 35:12.634
to the foreground of Rwanda's politics. It

35:12.814 --> 35:16.616
enabled the rise of ethnic extremism. Do

35:16.756 --> 35:19.838
I understand you correctly when you say that

35:19.938 --> 35:23.240
democratization and other forms of political

35:23.280 --> 35:26.302
liberalization are not the silver bullet

35:26.382 --> 35:29.524
that would solve all of Africa's, all of

35:29.564 --> 35:32.543
the complex problems brought on by ethnic

35:32.583 --> 35:36.644
conflict in Africa? And if yes, why?

35:38.165 --> 35:40.525
Well, yes, yes, you are correct. And that

35:40.605 --> 35:43.706
is what I am saying. But I should begin by

35:43.786 --> 35:46.567
saying that, well, this is not a new critique,

35:46.647 --> 35:48.927
or even a radical critique among political

35:48.987 --> 35:54.018
scientists that competitive politics that

35:54.459 --> 35:59.585
liberal democracy can be destabilizing. If

35:59.685 --> 36:02.089
one goes back to the end of the Cold War

36:02.109 --> 36:09.000
in 1989, the established accepted wisdom

36:09.120 --> 36:12.541
for how one deals with civil wars reflected

36:12.621 --> 36:14.762
this belief that, you know, it is the triumph

36:14.862 --> 36:19.183
of liberal democracy over communism that

36:19.243 --> 36:22.143
leads to the belief that, well, if you want

36:22.163 --> 36:24.264
to end a civil war, what you do is that you

36:24.904 --> 36:29.345
have some sort of temporary power sharing

36:29.405 --> 36:33.946
agreement a transition period and then some

36:34.026 --> 36:37.948
elections to legitimize a government, competitive

36:38.228 --> 36:42.249
elections to legitimize a government. But

36:42.289 --> 36:45.410
this end of history model, liberal internationalist

36:45.450 --> 36:49.491
model has proved to be problematic as we

36:49.511 --> 36:52.092
have seen and I think Rwanda is just one

36:52.132 --> 36:54.533
of these countries that has illustrated the

36:54.573 --> 36:58.630
risks of competitive politics So the critique

36:58.650 --> 37:01.492
has been, well, liberal democracy or competitive

37:01.532 --> 37:04.535
politics, well, that should only really be

37:04.796 --> 37:09.340
promoted once you have strong institutions

37:09.981 --> 37:12.223
in place in the country. But if you bring

37:12.303 --> 37:16.407
in a liberal model which has at its core

37:16.827 --> 37:20.170
the idea that competition is good, competition

37:20.250 --> 37:22.812
in markets in the economic realm and competition

37:22.853 --> 37:25.335
in politics in the political realm, so elections,

37:26.376 --> 37:29.618
that if you do that before you've got strongly

37:29.879 --> 37:33.302
embedded institutions, so independent institutions

37:33.342 --> 37:37.385
that can resist being captured by private

37:38.086 --> 37:41.089
actors. So it means that in the context of

37:41.169 --> 37:43.130
competitive politics, it means that you need

37:43.150 --> 37:46.393
to have an independent electoral commission,

37:46.814 --> 37:49.876
you need to have an independent judiciary

37:49.957 --> 37:54.521
to be able to adjudicate on disputes around

37:54.541 --> 37:56.843
the elections and campaigning in elections.

37:57.263 --> 37:59.905
You also need to have an independent police

38:00.005 --> 38:05.847
force and army that act neutrally in election

38:05.907 --> 38:09.647
periods, if you don't have those institutions

38:09.687 --> 38:12.688
that are independent and you bring in elections,

38:13.808 --> 38:16.309
then it destabilizes the country because

38:16.349 --> 38:19.710
those institutions are captured by either

38:19.750 --> 38:23.011
the incumbent or perhaps sometimes even challengers

38:23.651 --> 38:27.592
and the country destabilizes under the competition.

38:28.392 --> 38:30.414
But I would go one step further and say that

38:30.434 --> 38:33.176
it's not just that you need to institutionalize

38:33.256 --> 38:36.699
before you liberalize, which is a common

38:36.759 --> 38:39.301
critique. I would say you also need to have

38:39.921 --> 38:43.865
a mature and responsible civil society. in

38:43.905 --> 38:47.888
addition to strong institutions. So this

38:47.968 --> 38:51.109
means that you would have an independent

38:51.149 --> 38:53.311
media and it means that you would also have

38:53.331 --> 38:57.513
a mature NGO sector as well. So and these

38:57.633 --> 39:00.255
are actors then that have strong sense of

39:00.315 --> 39:02.916
professional ethics and professional responsibility

39:03.397 --> 39:06.559
and that they know what is appropriate to

39:06.659 --> 39:09.661
publish, what it is appropriate to say, so

39:09.701 --> 39:12.703
that you do not fan the flames of ethnic

39:12.743 --> 39:16.265
divisionism. These two conditions were clearly

39:16.365 --> 39:20.448
not met in Rwanda in the 1990s. They were

39:20.508 --> 39:23.070
not strong institutions and there was not

39:23.090 --> 39:28.233
a mature and responsible civil society. Much

39:28.273 --> 39:30.093
of the civil society had been co-opted by

39:30.133 --> 39:33.294
the state and the media certainly did not

39:33.554 --> 39:36.235
act, many elements of the media did not act

39:36.415 --> 39:38.796
with that sense of responsibility and restraint

39:39.136 --> 39:42.337
that you would expect in a more mature democracy.

39:44.254 --> 39:47.476
And this view, by the way, is also shared

39:47.516 --> 39:50.378
by the current Rwandan government. They have

39:50.518 --> 39:53.460
explicitly eschewed competitive politics

39:53.560 --> 39:56.862
and opted for consensus democracy instead,

39:57.602 --> 40:01.405
because they also say that the two time periods

40:01.465 --> 40:04.467
in Rwanda's history in which they have experienced

40:04.527 --> 40:09.028
competitive elections, in the period immediately

40:09.669 --> 40:13.509
around independence, and then in the period

40:13.729 --> 40:17.270
after the end of the Cold War. Both of those

40:17.350 --> 40:34.253
resulted in violence, a revolution in 1959,

40:23.231 --> 40:26.671
and then a genocide in 1994. So there is

40:26.751 --> 40:30.912
no love lost for the absence of competitive

40:31.032 --> 40:32.392
elections in Rwanda.

40:34.253 --> 40:40.260
On page 182, You write thus, it again warned

40:40.300 --> 40:42.662
that the killings may be crimes punishable

40:43.182 --> 40:46.744
under international law. However, it was

40:46.784 --> 40:50.427
not until June 8th that the Security Council

40:50.527 --> 40:55.110
finally adopted a Resolution 925 that mentioned

40:55.570 --> 40:58.612
acts of genocide and strengthened the mandate

40:58.732 --> 41:02.674
of Unema II to include the protection of

41:02.734 --> 41:07.026
displaced persons, refugees, civilians at

41:07.106 --> 41:11.088
risk. It was too little, too late, however.

41:12.029 --> 41:14.650
Most of the killing had occurred in the first

41:14.710 --> 41:18.232
two weeks. It would take another month for

41:18.252 --> 41:20.293
the peacekeepers and the resources needed

41:20.434 --> 41:24.136
to operationalize UNIMOD II, even to reach

41:24.676 --> 41:29.299
Rwanda. Omar, there have been several military

41:29.339 --> 41:32.961
confrontations in the 21st century, many

41:33.001 --> 41:37.475
of them verging on genocide. Is the United

41:37.575 --> 41:40.416
Nations Security Council still needed in

41:40.637 --> 41:44.118
a new multipolar world and what proactive

41:44.199 --> 41:47.200
measures can we take to stop the escalation

41:47.781 --> 41:50.782
of armed conflict and improve the management

41:50.842 --> 41:54.204
of it globally within the UN Security Council?

41:55.745 --> 41:58.086
Well that is a big question, the subject

41:58.166 --> 42:03.715
I suppose of several books. The answer is

42:03.755 --> 42:06.477
yes. I think, in my view, that the UN Security

42:06.517 --> 42:09.960
Council is still needed. But I guess I would

42:10.000 --> 42:14.344
obviously acknowledge the anachronistic nature

42:14.664 --> 42:17.787
of the Security Council, the permanent members.

42:17.907 --> 42:20.088
It reflects the balance of power at the end

42:20.108 --> 42:22.851
of World War II, so that we end up with countries

42:22.911 --> 42:25.913
that today are not as internationally or

42:25.953 --> 42:27.975
militarily or economically as significant

42:28.015 --> 42:34.086
as they were in 1945. So there's that, the

42:34.106 --> 42:36.147
anachronistic nature of the balance of power

42:36.207 --> 42:38.849
that's been institutionalized in the permanent

42:38.889 --> 42:40.950
membership of the Security Council. There's

42:41.010 --> 42:44.372
also the more general issue that the capabilities

42:44.412 --> 42:48.174
that the UN, well the expectations that the

42:48.294 --> 42:53.457
UN greatly exceed the UN's capabilities.

42:54.158 --> 42:59.142
And much of the critique that I heard, for

42:59.202 --> 43:01.183
example, when I was in Rwanda talking to

43:01.243 --> 43:04.726
Rwandans, much of the hostility does come

43:04.806 --> 43:07.348
from this idea that, well, the UN failed

43:07.408 --> 43:11.831
us and they had this expectation that the

43:11.951 --> 43:15.393
UN should have done more and so forth. And

43:15.433 --> 43:19.415
then also the fact that the veto that each

43:19.475 --> 43:24.198
permanent member has means that it's very

43:24.258 --> 43:28.860
hard to get resolutions passed, as we have

43:28.900 --> 43:33.263
seen, I suppose, until recently with this

43:33.323 --> 43:37.085
resolution to call for a ceasefire in Gaza.

43:37.885 --> 43:40.749
with the US having vetoed earlier resolutions,

43:41.250 --> 43:43.312
and this time abstaining with the most recent

43:43.412 --> 43:47.457
one. So it's very hard to end that, to kind

43:47.497 --> 43:49.720
of change that architecture. But I still

43:49.740 --> 43:51.162
think despite all of those problems, you

43:51.182 --> 43:53.465
know, the capabilities problem, the veto

43:53.505 --> 43:55.827
problem, etc. I still think that there is

43:55.887 --> 43:58.289
a very important role for the CUN Security

43:58.329 --> 44:00.451
Council in matters of international peace

44:00.491 --> 44:02.353
and security and for preventing genocide

44:02.393 --> 44:06.397
as well. Because it is the only truly supranational

44:06.577 --> 44:08.999
architecture that we have. It's still the

44:09.179 --> 44:13.022
only space that we have in which these issues

44:13.183 --> 44:18.873
can come to be debated and potentially acted

44:18.973 --> 44:21.494
upon. And even if there isn't action, if

44:21.534 --> 44:23.575
there's inaction, because there is veto,

44:23.935 --> 44:26.877
because there is paralysis, well, at least

44:26.897 --> 44:29.738
there's a record that these things are happening

44:29.818 --> 44:31.999
have happened. And there's a record of the

44:32.040 --> 44:34.181
inaction as well. And that that's important

44:34.201 --> 44:37.342
when it comes to assessing historic responsibility

44:37.402 --> 44:40.404
as well. So yes, I still think there's a

44:40.464 --> 44:43.698
need for the UN Security Council. Your second

44:43.718 --> 44:46.040
question is even bigger, I think. What can

44:46.080 --> 44:49.322
we do about this? Well, I think there's no

44:49.402 --> 44:54.246
silver bullet to deal with the scourge of

44:54.686 --> 44:57.728
armed conflict in the world. If you were

44:57.748 --> 44:59.830
to look at the post-World War II history,

44:59.850 --> 45:04.613
I would say that there was a great power

45:04.733 --> 45:07.855
conflict largely ended with 1989, with the

45:07.875 --> 45:12.459
end of the Cold War. and then we entered

45:12.499 --> 45:15.300
a period in history where we saw much of

45:15.400 --> 45:18.462
the armed conflicts that we saw were intrastate

45:18.542 --> 45:20.724
rather than interstate conflicts. These were

45:20.784 --> 45:23.345
civil wars fought within countries and this

45:23.766 --> 45:26.107
of which Rwanda's genocide is the combination

45:26.127 --> 45:29.569
of one such civil war. I say we're now entering

45:29.629 --> 45:32.011
possibly a new phase, which perhaps is the

45:32.071 --> 45:35.374
return of interstate conflict and maybe even

45:35.434 --> 45:39.157
great power conflict. So looking at Russia

45:39.277 --> 45:44.341
and Ukraine, Armenia and Azerbaijan, looming

45:44.381 --> 45:46.903
conflict perhaps between Israel and Iran,

45:46.983 --> 45:50.666
or even China and the United States, and

45:50.686 --> 45:54.214
also in my own home country, Guyana, with

45:54.274 --> 45:58.935
Venezuela over Guyana's newly found oil wealth.

45:59.715 --> 46:02.696
So, but, you know, if I were to say and to

46:02.737 --> 46:06.038
try to pick on one thing that I think could

46:06.138 --> 46:10.639
help reduce the incidence of armed conflict,

46:11.119 --> 46:14.581
I would say it would be continue support

46:14.641 --> 46:17.582
for a rules-based system, of which the UN

46:17.622 --> 46:21.083
Security Council is one very important element.

46:21.764 --> 46:24.546
We need to ensure that there is not impunity

46:24.967 --> 46:27.809
for violations of the international legal

46:28.309 --> 46:30.991
order. But I actually think the institution

46:31.011 --> 46:33.834
that needs the greatest political support

46:33.894 --> 46:38.037
and has the greatest potential for preventing

46:39.238 --> 46:43.181
war and atrocity is actually the International

46:43.501 --> 46:46.303
Criminal Court. Unfortunately, we seem to

46:46.323 --> 46:48.105
be moving in the opposite direction rather

46:48.145 --> 46:50.728
than strengthening it. The world seems to

46:50.768 --> 46:54.772
be taking steps to weaken it. But I do think

46:54.833 --> 46:57.015
it is the institution that is best equipped.

46:57.693 --> 47:03.416
for deterring war and atrocity, because it

47:03.476 --> 47:06.577
means individual accountability. And that

47:06.657 --> 47:09.519
means that the people at the top, the leaders,

47:09.939 --> 47:13.660
it changes their calculus. If they know that

47:13.801 --> 47:17.542
if they start a war, or if they engage in

47:17.562 --> 47:20.604
a bombing campaign that results in the mass

47:21.064 --> 47:25.526
killings of individuals, that there is potentially

47:26.334 --> 47:31.016
a reckoning to be had, then I think that

47:31.077 --> 47:33.758
would mean that they would think much more

47:33.838 --> 47:37.980
deeply about engaging in such actions. But

47:38.000 --> 47:41.602
the ICC obviously has some severe constraints.

47:41.742 --> 47:45.344
It's largely seen as an institution that

47:45.444 --> 47:48.705
targets politically and internationally weaker

47:48.765 --> 47:52.207
countries in the global south, rather than

47:54.012 --> 47:56.514
coming after or starting investigations into

47:56.554 --> 47:59.798
the actions of politically more important

47:59.898 --> 48:02.561
countries. But I think that the greatest

48:02.681 --> 48:05.424
testament to the capabilities of the ICC

48:05.905 --> 48:07.547
is to look at the record of the countries

48:07.587 --> 48:10.791
who have refused either to sign or to ratify

48:10.851 --> 48:13.834
the Rome Statute. because they fear and they

48:13.914 --> 48:16.556
know what could potentially happen and how

48:16.616 --> 48:18.858
it would limit their range of actions. So

48:18.878 --> 48:22.321
the United States, Russia, China, so great

48:22.381 --> 48:26.244
powers, India, Indonesia, Israel, these are

48:26.264 --> 48:28.466
all countries which have refused to either

48:28.506 --> 48:32.569
sign or ratify the Rome Statute because the

48:32.669 --> 48:37.874
ICC would so severely limit what it is that

48:37.914 --> 48:39.395
they felt that they could do.

48:40.543 --> 48:44.085
The title of our podcast is, Why Genocide

48:44.245 --> 48:46.666
is the Responsibility of the Entire World.

48:47.826 --> 48:51.788
On September 27th, 2022, you published a

48:51.828 --> 48:55.269
powerful paper in a journal, Africa Affairs,

48:55.590 --> 48:59.551
entitled, Securocratic State Building, the

48:59.611 --> 49:04.614
Rationales, Rebattles, and Risks Behind Extraordinary

49:04.654 --> 49:08.855
Rise of Rwanda After the Genocide. You wrote

49:08.875 --> 49:11.848
the following, and I quote, In a striking

49:11.928 --> 49:15.650
example of this polarization and these differing

49:15.710 --> 49:18.771
priorities, the British government's decision

49:19.011 --> 49:23.533
in 2022 to ask Rwanda to process and settle

49:23.653 --> 49:28.035
asylum seekers to the UK drew starkly divergent

49:28.075 --> 49:31.737
reactions on the day the new policy was announced.

49:32.817 --> 49:35.378
The government justified its decision by

49:35.838 --> 49:38.279
pointing to Rwanda's international recognition

49:38.920 --> 49:43.437
for its safety strong governance, law corruption,

49:44.177 --> 49:47.019
gender equality, and as one of the fastest

49:47.099 --> 49:51.842
growing economies across Africa. Human Rights

49:51.922 --> 49:54.883
Watch, in contrast, challenged the decision

49:55.003 --> 49:57.705
by pointing to Rwanda's known track record

49:58.325 --> 50:01.567
for extrajudicial killings, suspicious deaths

50:02.108 --> 50:06.090
in custody, and lawful or arbitrary detention,

50:06.750 --> 50:10.893
torture, and abusive prosecutions particularly

50:11.333 --> 50:15.755
targeting critics and dissidents. On November

50:17.195 --> 50:21.217
15th, 2023, the UK Supreme Court in a landmark

50:21.257 --> 50:25.198
decision found the UK Rwanda asylum scheme

50:25.438 --> 50:30.240
unlawful. Omar, please explain to our audience

50:31.180 --> 50:34.141
why the problem of genocide is and should

50:34.221 --> 50:36.422
be the responsibility of the entire world

50:36.622 --> 50:39.203
in the context of a podcast theme and in

50:39.283 --> 50:42.439
the light of the ongoing controversy surrounding

50:42.519 --> 50:45.201
the genocide in Rwanda and its aftermath?

50:46.042 --> 50:50.105
And how important is telling the truth with

50:50.145 --> 50:52.787
special reference to the Rwanda safety bill?

50:56.100 --> 50:59.082
for the record, I think that the decision

50:59.283 --> 51:03.426
to the wish to make Rwanda a place to process

51:03.486 --> 51:05.528
and settle asylum seekers to the UK, I think

51:05.568 --> 51:09.431
that that's a that's a bad decision. And

51:09.511 --> 51:11.092
how important is it to tell the truth, I

51:11.112 --> 51:14.955
think it's very important to tell the truth

51:15.035 --> 51:18.558
about the record of a country. But at the

51:18.598 --> 51:21.040
same time, you know, the UK has has a real

51:21.080 --> 51:24.222
problem. And Rwanda presents in the minds

51:24.282 --> 51:25.783
of the current conservative government a

51:25.823 --> 51:27.724
solution to that problem. So the problem

51:27.784 --> 51:33.427
is that the post-World War II system for

51:34.247 --> 51:37.369
dealing with refugees is under strain. There

51:37.409 --> 51:40.511
is simply more refugees than governments

51:40.951 --> 51:43.912
feel capable of being able to manage. And

51:43.933 --> 51:47.214
the UK has a point. There are many people

51:47.614 --> 51:51.696
who are coming on small boats to the United

51:51.736 --> 51:54.137
Kingdom, and they are choosing the United

51:54.197 --> 51:57.859
Kingdom to seek asylum. And the Conservative

51:57.879 --> 52:01.321
government makes the point that, well, the

52:01.361 --> 52:04.922
reason for asylum is that you face persecution

52:04.982 --> 52:07.503
in your home country. That doesn't give you

52:07.644 --> 52:10.445
necessarily an unconditional or unfettered

52:10.525 --> 52:16.448
right which country you can seek asylum in,

52:16.928 --> 52:18.829
you should simply be able to seek asylum

52:18.909 --> 52:20.670
in a country where you would not face this

52:20.770 --> 52:23.712
persecution. Why are you coming to Europe?

52:23.792 --> 52:25.393
Why are you coming to the United Kingdom?

52:25.433 --> 52:26.774
There are other countries where you could

52:26.794 --> 52:29.835
also feel safe and escape persecution. So

52:30.216 --> 52:31.937
the Conservative government believes that

52:32.037 --> 52:34.058
people are coming to the UK not only because

52:34.098 --> 52:35.879
they wish to escape persecution, but because

52:35.899 --> 52:39.901
the UK provides economic opportunities for

52:39.941 --> 52:42.683
them and a political environment that is

52:42.723 --> 52:44.964
better in other countries. And So they want

52:45.004 --> 52:46.505
to discourage this. They think they shouldn't

52:46.525 --> 52:49.546
be able to shop. Refugees shouldn't be able

52:49.586 --> 52:52.207
to shop for the country that they wish to

52:52.247 --> 52:55.468
seek asylum in. So they want to create it

52:55.588 --> 52:57.869
less attractive. They think, well, Rwanda

52:57.909 --> 52:59.909
is less attractive economically, but might

52:59.929 --> 53:02.910
be able to provide asylum seekers with safe

53:03.170 --> 53:05.831
haven. So dealing with the political issue,

53:05.851 --> 53:09.106
but not with the economic issue. And, you

53:09.126 --> 53:11.150
know, from the Rwanda perspective, it's great

53:11.230 --> 53:13.694
because the Rwanda government really wishes

53:13.714 --> 53:19.075
to establish a reputation internationally

53:19.655 --> 53:23.979
and to be recognized as a place where the

53:24.099 --> 53:27.681
UK government feels it is safe for asylum

53:27.722 --> 53:29.523
seekers to be settled, well, that sends a

53:29.563 --> 53:32.385
very powerful signal to the rest of the world

53:32.445 --> 53:35.568
and to Rwanda's critics. So it's a win-win

53:35.728 --> 53:37.910
from the UK government perspective and the

53:38.210 --> 53:40.652
Rwandan government perspective. The losers,

53:41.733 --> 53:44.094
the refugees, are the asylum seekers themselves.

53:44.995 --> 53:49.818
because it's very clear from the human rights

53:50.618 --> 53:52.859
organisations, independent human rights organisations,

53:52.879 --> 53:55.601
that Rwanda is not a safe place for asylum

53:55.621 --> 53:58.102
seekers and that many Rwandan citizens themselves

53:58.602 --> 54:01.103
flee Rwanda seeking asylum elsewhere. So

54:01.123 --> 54:06.566
it's hard to understand how then a country

54:06.927 --> 54:08.928
that has people fleeing, it can also be a

54:08.988 --> 54:12.810
place that can be safe for other asylum seekers.

54:14.010 --> 54:17.091
The response to that you cited in that article

54:17.251 --> 54:21.633
to this Rwanda safety bill is polarized and

54:21.653 --> 54:25.614
it mirrors the polarization, the wider polarization

54:25.634 --> 54:30.379
about Rwanda after the genocide. So and that

54:30.419 --> 54:31.801
polarization, you know, we're coming up to

50:56.100 --> 54:36.445
30, it's 30 years, this year, since the genocide,

54:36.686 --> 54:39.228
and, you know, views on Rwanda are still

54:39.769 --> 54:42.792
polarized, not just among Rwandans, but among

54:42.852 --> 54:45.855
those who observe Rwanda and follow Rwanda.

54:47.757 --> 54:52.587
And, you know, the part of this polarization

54:52.947 --> 54:55.027
is simply a consequence of the civil war

54:55.087 --> 54:57.388
and genocide, but part of it is also simply

54:57.408 --> 54:59.469
a consequence of what do you think is more

54:59.509 --> 55:01.690
important when you try to evaluate a country.

55:02.210 --> 55:06.291
So, you know, if you think that, you know,

55:06.311 --> 55:09.733
the Rwanda is a country which has visionary

55:09.813 --> 55:13.375
leadership, it's technologically very forward-looking,

55:13.395 --> 55:17.138
and it has strong, effective state institutions,

55:17.518 --> 55:20.680
it has political stability, it's a good environment

55:20.700 --> 55:25.643
to do business in, then yes, Rwanda, if those

55:25.703 --> 55:27.904
are your normative priorities, then Rwanda

55:28.244 --> 55:31.926
is a very attractive country. But if your

55:32.406 --> 55:34.247
normative priorities are different, if you

55:34.287 --> 55:38.329
think, well, democracy is important and civil

55:38.369 --> 55:41.110
and political liberties are important and

55:41.210 --> 55:43.471
justice and reconciliation are important,

55:43.852 --> 55:46.953
well then no, Rwanda is not such an attractive

55:47.013 --> 55:50.975
country to live in. And this reflects the

55:51.215 --> 55:54.917
polarization in the academic views on Rwanda

55:55.037 --> 55:59.942
as well as some governments as well. So both

56:00.002 --> 56:02.483
of those views are potentially correct. I

56:02.543 --> 56:04.624
published that article that you mentioned

56:04.804 --> 56:07.466
in African Affairs because I thought that

56:07.506 --> 56:10.287
these polarized views, neither of them truly

56:10.367 --> 56:14.209
captures or does justice to what Rwanda's

56:14.249 --> 56:17.171
post-genocide government is doing in the

56:17.191 --> 56:20.073
country. They're too characterized, right?

56:20.133 --> 56:22.988
On the one hand, Rwanda is this great developmental

56:23.048 --> 56:25.449
state with high modernist ambitions. On the

56:25.489 --> 56:28.591
other hand, it's this dictatorship and ethnocracy

56:29.011 --> 56:31.773
and repressive regime. So neither of those

56:31.853 --> 56:34.554
fully captures what Rwanda is doing. So I

56:34.594 --> 56:37.536
developed this idea of a securocratic state

56:37.596 --> 56:40.197
builder, of which I think the Rwandan government

56:40.397 --> 56:43.619
is an exemplar of. And the Rwandan model,

56:44.099 --> 56:48.593
it's important, Rwanda has, the fate of Rwanda

56:48.633 --> 56:51.035
has more to do with just, you know, what

56:51.095 --> 56:54.097
happens to Rwandan citizens. There are international

56:54.237 --> 56:56.438
organizations, there are other African leaders

56:56.478 --> 56:58.980
and countries who are looking at Rwanda and

56:59.180 --> 57:02.241
asking, will this model succeed? Because

57:02.341 --> 57:04.383
we'd like to see if it does, because maybe

57:04.423 --> 57:07.465
it's one that we should copy. So it has an

57:07.505 --> 57:09.886
impact far beyond the borders of Rwanda.

57:10.386 --> 57:12.908
So what about the Securitatec state building

57:13.008 --> 57:16.048
model? So it's neither liberal nor illiberal.

57:16.168 --> 57:21.371
Rwanda is essentially the only principle

57:21.832 --> 57:23.593
that I think that the Rwandan government

57:23.833 --> 57:26.835
as a securocratic state builder follows is

57:26.875 --> 57:29.197
simply the principle that security comes

57:29.277 --> 57:32.519
first all the time. Security trumps liberty.

57:32.880 --> 57:35.361
Security trumps equality. It's not that we

57:35.482 --> 57:37.483
are against liberty. It's not that we are

57:37.543 --> 57:40.205
against equality. It's simply that security

57:40.265 --> 57:43.223
is much more important. And that's reflected

57:43.803 --> 57:46.646
in the grand strategic choices that the Rwandan

57:46.686 --> 57:48.908
government has made since the genocide, right?

57:49.389 --> 57:51.470
In terms of the political system and political

57:51.510 --> 57:54.513
philosophy, it said no to competitive politics

57:54.833 --> 57:57.436
and yes to consensus democracy, because it

57:57.476 --> 58:00.539
thinks that competition is destabilizing.

58:00.599 --> 58:03.862
So it's a security risk. It said no in the

58:03.942 --> 58:07.465
social realm. It's an undertaken social engineering.

58:07.865 --> 58:09.686
It said that we are going to eliminate in

58:09.706 --> 58:12.087
the public sphere the identification along

58:12.267 --> 58:19.629
ethnic lines because the history of ethnicity

58:19.770 --> 58:23.711
is that it's divisive and leads to conflict.

58:24.251 --> 58:26.452
And then lastly, in the realm of the state

58:26.592 --> 58:28.913
and the economy, its ambition has been to

58:28.973 --> 58:31.254
modernize both the state and the economy,

58:31.874 --> 58:33.675
to have strong, effective institutions and

58:33.695 --> 58:38.508
to generate high levels of growth. None of

58:38.568 --> 58:41.849
those choices is a bad choice in itself,

58:42.329 --> 58:47.230
but none, I'm afraid, in my view, is sustainable

58:47.490 --> 58:52.152
in the long run. And I don't hold much hope

58:52.532 --> 58:57.433
that the model will not end in some dramatic...

59:00.474 --> 59:02.895
I fear that it may end in some dramatic way

59:03.275 --> 59:06.191
that is not peaceable. And the reason for

59:06.231 --> 59:08.352
that is that each of those three grand strategic

59:08.372 --> 59:10.713
choices that Rwanda made in respect of the

59:10.773 --> 59:12.995
political system, well, you can't really

59:13.055 --> 59:16.436
have consensus if you coerce people and don't

59:16.456 --> 59:18.518
let them to have a choice. You can't really

59:18.558 --> 59:20.779
talk about consensus if there is no choice.

59:21.559 --> 59:24.741
And in terms of engineering, you know, eliminating

59:24.781 --> 59:27.503
ethnicity, well, you can't really eliminate

59:27.563 --> 59:32.326
ethnicity if your policies reflect your fear

59:32.406 --> 59:36.251
that ethnicity is still a socially and politically

59:36.431 --> 59:39.455
powerful force in the country. So you know

59:39.495 --> 59:45.023
these laws outlawing genocide ideology, its

59:45.463 --> 59:48.427
recognition that it is a genocide of the

59:48.427 --> 59:52.051
the Tutsi, this memorialization of the genocide.

59:52.411 --> 59:55.334
These all, you know, institutionalize ethnicity

59:55.354 --> 59:57.656
and they all reflect the fear, the government's

59:57.696 --> 01:00:00.519
fear that ethnic extremism still exists somewhere

01:00:00.679 --> 01:00:03.021
inside Rwanda. So you can't really talk about

01:00:03.222 --> 01:00:06.205
outlawing it and trying to be kind of post-ethnic

01:00:06.325 --> 01:00:09.148
if you still fear that it is there. And then

01:00:09.188 --> 01:00:11.591
you can't lastly have strong independent

01:00:11.631 --> 01:00:14.715
institutions if you're going to control all

01:00:14.735 --> 01:00:17.598
of the appointments to government offices.

01:00:17.799 --> 01:00:21.143
It's not enough for the Rwandan government

01:00:21.163 --> 01:00:24.027
that you're competent, that you appoint individuals

01:00:24.047 --> 01:00:26.210
who are competent, you also have to be loyal.

01:00:27.170 --> 01:00:29.391
to the regime. And that, I think, is problematic.

01:00:29.431 --> 01:00:31.972
You can't really have independent institutions

01:00:32.352 --> 01:00:35.633
that can survive a change of political party,

01:00:36.013 --> 01:00:38.854
a turnover of government, if loyalty has

01:00:38.894 --> 01:00:41.695
been baked into the appointment process.

01:00:42.435 --> 01:00:44.597
So fundamentally I think there is this strategic

01:00:44.657 --> 01:00:47.639
contradiction at the heart of the securocratic

01:00:47.939 --> 01:00:50.741
state building model. It's that it emphasizes

01:00:50.821 --> 01:00:54.683
security at the expense of unity and that's

01:00:54.723 --> 01:00:56.705
why I don't think it's sustainable in the

01:00:56.765 --> 01:00:57.305
long run.

01:01:02.469 --> 01:01:05.651
As an academic studying genocide and armed

01:01:05.731 --> 01:01:09.013
conflict, what scares you the most?

01:01:10.914 --> 01:01:15.508
Well let me talk about genocide. I think

01:01:15.949 --> 01:01:20.959
two things that I worry about and these are

01:01:21.620 --> 01:01:25.819
first an under-appreciation of the effect,

01:01:25.899 --> 01:01:27.981
the long-term effect on the behavior of the

01:01:28.081 --> 01:01:30.963
victim group, once they are in power, if

01:01:31.003 --> 01:01:34.306
they come to power. And then the second is

01:01:34.346 --> 01:01:36.548
an under-appreciation again, but this time

01:01:36.608 --> 01:01:39.811
of the long-term impact on the behavior of

01:01:39.991 --> 01:01:41.993
the perpetrator and the bystander group.

01:01:42.033 --> 01:01:44.935
So it's about the long-term effects of genocide,

01:01:45.416 --> 01:01:48.118
underestimated or under-recognized long-term

01:01:48.158 --> 01:01:50.300
effects of them. And the two countries that

01:01:50.320 --> 01:01:54.595
I have in the back of my mind here are Rwanda

01:01:54.875 --> 01:02:00.138
and Israel, because the Tutsi and the Jews

01:02:00.678 --> 01:02:04.060
have similar experiences. They're not perfect

01:02:04.160 --> 01:02:06.381
parallels, but there are some similarities

01:02:06.461 --> 01:02:12.124
here. So both are people who have experienced

01:02:12.925 --> 01:02:16.820
persecution and exclusion, Both are people

01:02:16.920 --> 01:02:20.383
who have had to leave their homeland and

01:02:20.403 --> 01:02:23.805
become refugees. And both are people who

01:02:23.925 --> 01:02:27.688
have returned to their homeland and also

01:02:28.208 --> 01:02:31.651
ascended to power in their homeland as well.

01:02:31.691 --> 01:02:34.233
So they've come to rule in their homelands.

01:02:34.913 --> 01:02:39.426
And when I talk then about effect on the

01:02:39.486 --> 01:02:42.368
behavior of the victim group? Well, what

01:02:42.448 --> 01:02:47.972
I worry about is that we fail to recognize

01:02:48.092 --> 01:02:55.558
just how profoundly strong is the sense of

01:02:55.658 --> 01:02:59.521
victimhood among the victim group itself.

01:02:59.601 --> 01:03:02.724
So this sense of that we are always the victims

01:03:03.324 --> 01:03:07.628
of everything, very pronounced sense of victimization.

01:03:08.288 --> 01:03:11.331
I also think it makes the victim group very

01:03:11.531 --> 01:03:15.014
sensitive, hyper sensitive as well to criticism.

01:03:15.694 --> 01:03:19.057
And because it's motivated by this fear that

01:03:19.437 --> 01:03:23.000
we need to defend ourselves. And indeed,

01:03:23.020 --> 01:03:24.541
that's the third thing is that there is this

01:03:24.621 --> 01:03:29.766
willingness to always invoke their security

01:03:30.166 --> 01:03:33.228
fears or this need to defend themselves against

01:03:34.689 --> 01:03:38.812
an enemy out there. It's very strong. And

01:03:38.832 --> 01:03:42.773
it can lead then to extreme repression, to

01:03:42.833 --> 01:03:45.474
extreme actions to defend themselves, and

01:03:45.534 --> 01:03:49.215
so potentially to further wrongdoings, to

01:03:49.275 --> 01:03:52.576
further even atrocities. So I worry about

01:03:53.116 --> 01:03:55.697
not recognizing how victim groups, when they

01:03:55.737 --> 01:03:58.998
come to power, behave once they're in power.

01:03:59.078 --> 01:04:02.120
They have these They have this set of characteristics,

01:04:02.181 --> 01:04:05.384
I think, that could lead to further atrocities.

01:04:05.925 --> 01:04:09.148
And then from the perpetrator or bystander

01:04:09.308 --> 01:04:11.050
perspective, I think there were impacts on

01:04:11.090 --> 01:04:14.334
their behavior as well that we do not fully

01:04:14.995 --> 01:04:19.399
recognize. So I think the perspective is

01:04:19.540 --> 01:04:23.063
one of guilt and shame. for both perpetrators

01:04:23.183 --> 01:04:26.886
and bystanders, right? So in the case of

01:04:26.946 --> 01:04:29.508
the Jews, it would be Germany's very pronounced

01:04:29.548 --> 01:04:32.831
sense of public shame and remorse for the

01:04:32.871 --> 01:04:37.055
Holocaust and how that's impacted German

01:04:37.195 --> 01:04:40.377
foreign policy vis-a-vis Israel to make it

01:04:40.858 --> 01:04:44.381
so strongly an ally of Israel, potentially

01:04:44.421 --> 01:04:48.364
at the expense of preserving its own liberal

01:04:48.424 --> 01:04:54.055
values around liberal and moral values. And

01:04:54.075 --> 01:04:56.518
then with bystanders, so in the case of Rwanda,

01:04:56.538 --> 01:04:58.760
it would be the international community or

01:04:58.820 --> 01:05:02.323
external actors who failed to act and who

01:05:02.503 --> 01:05:07.068
let the genocide happen. So their guilt and

01:05:07.168 --> 01:05:10.431
shame enables the Rwandan government to do

01:05:10.511 --> 01:05:13.874
things because there's a unwillingness to

01:05:13.994 --> 01:05:17.558
speak out and criticize because, well, who

01:05:17.678 --> 01:05:19.720
are they to speak out and criticize? Because

01:05:19.780 --> 01:05:23.463
where were they in 1994? And it means then

01:05:23.543 --> 01:05:26.987
that the Rwandan government can get away

01:05:27.087 --> 01:05:30.210
with things that perhaps other governments

01:05:30.590 --> 01:05:33.833
could not. And then lastly, I would say this

01:05:33.873 --> 01:05:37.136
has a long-term impact in the other countries.

01:05:37.777 --> 01:05:39.818
So it could have an impact on civil liberties.

01:05:40.725 --> 01:05:44.432
and free speech. If you think about, take

01:05:44.452 --> 01:05:46.094
the case of Israel and what's happening at

01:05:46.134 --> 01:05:49.080
the moment, this overly expansive definition

01:05:49.140 --> 01:05:51.784
of anti-Semitism. Let me just take a sip

01:05:51.824 --> 01:05:56.069
of water. It's made it very difficult to

01:05:56.129 --> 01:05:58.971
have legitimate dissent on Israeli government

01:05:59.132 --> 01:06:04.677
policies. And it's led governments to outlaw

01:06:04.757 --> 01:06:08.201
criticism of Zionism. It's led to making

01:06:08.361 --> 01:06:12.125
even peaceful dissent difficult, outlawing

01:06:12.545 --> 01:06:14.988
boycott, divestment and sanctions campaigns.

01:06:16.638 --> 01:06:19.919
France, for example, banned marches that

01:06:19.939 --> 01:06:22.099
are considered to be supportive of Palestinians.

01:06:22.559 --> 01:06:25.100
The UK has led to a redefinition of what

01:06:25.180 --> 01:06:28.341
is extremism in the UK. So I worry about

01:06:28.401 --> 01:06:30.761
also the impact on civil and political liberties

01:06:30.821 --> 01:06:34.342
in our own countries as well that are allies

01:06:34.462 --> 01:06:36.623
with these victim groups that have come to

01:06:36.683 --> 01:06:41.351
power. More generally, I think it reinforces

01:06:41.371 --> 01:06:44.192
a very strong sense of zero-sum thinking,

01:06:44.712 --> 01:06:48.854
them versus us, when victim groups come to

01:06:48.894 --> 01:06:52.395
power and see themselves only as victim groups

01:06:52.855 --> 01:06:55.136
and not as representative of something more.

01:07:00.618 --> 01:07:03.839
Finally, Omar, please advise our listeners

01:07:03.919 --> 01:07:06.060
where they may find your book, The Path to

01:07:06.080 --> 01:07:07.420
Genocide, in Rwanda.

01:07:08.778 --> 01:07:11.520
Sure. It's available on Amazon, and it's

01:07:11.560 --> 01:07:13.422
also available on the Cambridge University

01:07:13.982 --> 01:07:17.585
website as well, both in paperback and in

01:07:17.705 --> 01:07:20.308
hardback and as an e-book as well.

01:07:21.489 --> 01:07:24.471
Dr. Omar MacDoon, thank you very much for

01:07:24.511 --> 01:07:26.473
being a guest on this podcast.

01:07:27.554 --> 01:07:30.016
It was my pleasure, Stephen. Thanks for the

01:07:30.036 --> 01:07:30.516
invitation.

01:07:32.037 --> 01:07:34.680
This podcast was brought to you by the Kamgassa

01:07:34.800 --> 01:07:37.082
Challenge in partnership with Democracy in

01:07:37.202 --> 01:07:40.698
Africa. Democracy in Africa is a platform

01:07:40.738 --> 01:07:43.779
dedicated to building a bridge between academics,

01:07:44.419 --> 01:07:47.880
policymakers, practitioners and citizens.

01:07:48.980 --> 01:07:51.740
The third episode in the series is entitled

01:07:52.380 --> 01:07:55.621
Genocide. How to challenge identity politics

01:07:55.781 --> 01:07:59.021
in the 21st century. An interview with Dr

01:07:59.081 --> 01:08:02.562
Jochen Lingelbach, postdoctoral research

01:08:02.662 --> 01:08:05.703
assistant at the Chair of African History

01:08:06.363 --> 01:08:09.822
in the Cluster of Excellence. at the University

01:08:10.002 --> 01:08:13.644
of Bayreuth. The podcast will go live on

01:08:13.704 --> 01:08:19.027
June 10th, 2024. If you enjoyed this podcast,

01:08:19.547 --> 01:08:22.229
please support us by subscribing to Conversations

01:08:22.269 --> 01:08:24.830
with Stephen Kamgasser through your favorite

01:08:25.430 --> 01:08:28.592
podcast app. Thank you very much for taking

01:08:28.632 --> 01:08:31.734
the time to listen to this podcast. Until

01:08:31.774 --> 01:08:33.435
next time, goodbye.

